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Re-mapping Solar Grid Parity (with incentives)
The only complaint was, “what about the 30% federal tax credit?” We think the former argument – without subsidies – is stronger, but for those who really wanted to see the solar future based on the existing tax incentive (and assuming it is extended, as is, after 2016), this map’s for you:
We used the following assumptions in the construction of this animated map:
- The cost of solar in 2011 is $4.00 per Watt installed.
- Grid electricity price is the average residential retail rate reported by PVWatts for the core city of the metropolitan area.
- The cost of solar decreases by 7% per year.
- The grid electricity price increases by 2% per year.
- The federal 30% tax credit is used by solar projects and is extended through 2024.
Google Maps/Fusion Table mash-up developed by Eric James
Refundable Federal Tax Credit Could Remove Barrier to Community Wind
Update 3/9/12:Turns out I would be a lousy tax attorney and that the form of tax credit does not affect the passive loss rules.
What if a small change in federal renewable energy policy could make community wind development easier?
Last month, President Obama’s Treasury Department released proposed reforms to a number of business taxes including the federal Production Tax Credit (PTC) for wind power projects. The reform proposal would make the tax credit permanent, but more importantly, it would make it refundable.
A regular tax credit reduces the amount of taxes a business or person pays dollar for dollar, down to zero. In the case of the PTC, it provides 2.2 cents for every kilowatt-hour produced by the wind power project, over 10 years. But for the many individuals and businesses that don’t owe a lot of taxes, they have limited use. That’s why there’s an entire “tax equity industry” made up of large banks and Wall Street firms that partner with wind and solar developers to reduce their tax bills. The drawback of these partnerships is that as much as half of the tax credit’s value is consumed by the Wall Street firms and not the renewable energy project.
With a refundable tax credit, wind and solar project owners wouldn’t require big tax bills or Wall Street to finance projects. Instead, any participant in a community renewable energy project would receive a check equal to the tax credit’s value.
The implications are significant. The South Dakota Wind Partners project, for example, collected over 600 owners for 7 wind turbines, thanks to a temporary option to take the federal PTC as a cash grant. Brian Minish, who helped develop the South Dakota Wind Partners community wind project, says that a refundable tax credit will similarly make a community wind project easier: “it would be much simpler to monetize the credit and attract investors that can get the cash refund.”
Since community-owned wind projects create up to twice the jobs and over three times the local economic impact compared to absentee-owned projects, small policy changes that make community ownership easier can have a big impact.
There are other solutions afoot for community wind, including the Community Wind Act. This U.S. Senate bill would allow distributed wind projects – 20 megawatts and smaller – to take the upfront Investment Tax Credit instead of the PTC. The change provides a two-fold one advantage: community wind projects have a harder time getting capital, so upfront cash helps secure financing; additionally, the Investment Tax Credit can be taken against ordinary income rather than passive income (from “trade or business activities in which you do not materially participate,” like rental property).
Legal and tax barriers have created an uphill struggle for community ownership of renewable energy, so it’s nice to see improvements on the radar of the Obama administration and in Congress.
Rooftop Revolution: Changing Everything with Cost-Effective Local Solar
Tue, March 6, 2012 (All day)
With the cost of solar power plunging and retail electric prices rising, 100 million Americans in the nation’s largest cities will be able to “go solar” for a lower price than grid electricity in the next ten years. Seizing this opportunity requires rethinking electricity policy and planning even while solar produces less than 1% of the nation’s electricity. Investments in new centralized power plants and transmission could divert billions of ratepayers dollars from a democratization of the electricity system. At the same time, energy subsidies – for fossil fuels and solar energy – must be gradually transformed into barrier-breaking incentives that maintain the pace of growth and push solar into all corners of the country.
| SOLAR GRID PARITY (our definition) |
| When the cost of solar electricity – without subsidies – is equal to or lower than the residential retail electricity rate. |
One Third of Americans Reach Solar Grid Parity by 2021
The solar opportunity is driven by converging economics: the installed cost of solar has fallen 10% per year since 2006 and grid electricity prices have averaged a 2% annual increase in the last decade.
| Nearly 100 million Americans could install over 60,000 megawatts of solar at less than grid prices – without subsidies – by 2021. |
If the trends continue, there may be an outbreak of economical solar. The following chart illustrates the number of Americans (from the top 40 metropolitan areas) that would be at solar grid parity and the potential amount of solar capacity that could be added to the grid at less than retail electricity prices in the next decade. Nearly 100 million Americans could install over 60,000 megawatts of solar at less than grid prices – without subsidies – by 2021.

The potential for solar grid parity may be much larger than the chart suggests because it is limited to residential rooftops in the top 40 metropolitan areas of the United States.
| Expanding the analysis to the entire country, and to non-residential rooftops could more than triple the solar potential and drive down costs. |
Expanding the analysis to the entire country, and to non-residential rooftops, could more than triple the solar potential and drive down costs.
Furthermore, innovative time-of-use electricity pricing could help advance the year of the solar crossover.

Democratizing the System
The opportunity of solar grid parity goes beyond the benefits of solar power for the masses. It suggests a future that transforms Americans from energy consumers into producers and gives them a stake in electricity production and energy policy. Each house with a solar rooftop has (on average) two voters who will strongly support smart solar policies. And when half of Americans can install solar for less than the cost of grid electricity, it makes a majority that favors local ownership of localized energy production long before solar power becomes a significant portion of total electric generation.
Policy Can Overcome Technical and Regulatory Barriers
A major technical roadblock to realizing the full potential of solar grid parity is the so-called 15% rule, a common state regulation that limits the amount of solar on a utility’s distribution grid to 15% of the peak demand. However, recent research shows that the 15% rule is too conservative, and that there are minimal impacts when distributed solar supplies 25% or more of the power to the local electricity grid.
| Distributed solar [can supply] 25% or more of the power to the local electricity grid. |
Other barriers can also be overcome by the proper policy design. One concerns permitting fees. Currently permitting fees alone can currently amount to as much as 20 percent of the cost of a solar PV array, but new best practices (such as expedited review based on a checklist, email rather than in-person permit submission, etc) have cut fees in some communities fivefold, to less than 4 percent of project costs.
Net metering is another policy that needs an overhaul. Simply put, net metering allows for a buyback of solar power at the retail rate for electricity consumed on site and new “community net metering” lets people share the output from a common, off-site solar project. But a number of states cap the number of net metering systems at 5% of total system load or less. The policy can also lead to less cost-effective solar, as individuals are encouraged to optimize the balance between consumption and production, rather than optimizing the economies of scale of solar by covering their rooftop. Net metering may also prove problematic in the long run, as the cost of solar dips far below the retail rate (leading to overpayment to solar producers) or if solar drives down the cost of electricity (leading to insufficient payments). Net metering is a good policy to get solar started but moving to a much higher level of energy self reliance will require new thinking and new approaches.
An Opportune Time to Plan for Phasing Out Solar Subsidies?
The most serious barrier is the potentially serious disruption posed by the looming expiration of the federal 30% tax credit (in 2016). A thoughtless extension will enrich solar developers in some regions of the country at the expense of taxpayers; an abrupt expiration will seriously affect the solar market in the many regions that have not reached solar grid parity by 2016. A hybrid policy approach is needed, whether to phase out the federal tax credit in a fashion that is geographically equitable or to shift to a feed-in tariff strategy to be more comprehensively prepared for the economic issues of grid parity.
The best transition policy may be a feed-in tariff, as is used in solar-leading countries like Germany.
| On a per capita basis, Germany installs as much solar per year (35,000 MW) as the U.S. would need in total (30,000 MW) to reach its residential solar grid parity potential in 2018. |
This solar financing tool is not a tax credit, but is a combination of a long-term power purchase contract, a guaranteed grid connection, and a contract price sufficient for a modest return on investment. The contract provides secure financing for solar projects, reducing borrowing costs and the cost of solar electricity.
In contrast to the hodge-podge of incentives for installing solar, it would provide an all-in, long-term contract for solar producers that would remain transparent and predictable and flexible as market conditions change. The feed-in tariff would also solve the two major problems of the tax credit, the inability of schools, cities, and other public entities to use it and the inherent inefficiency of finding project partners who can consume tax credits.
Even without a feed-in tariff, the federal government could replace the tax credit with a cash-based production payment that would provide revenue for solar projects in addition to local net metering rates (a Feed-In Tariff Lite), or simply switch the tax credit to a cash payment. In either case, the incentive could decline over time, while still solving the inefficiency problem of tax credits.

Citizens Make an Example of Minnesota “Community Wind” Project
Community wind promises to expand the economic opportunity of transitioning the electricity system to cleaner energy, and engage local communities. Unfortunately, there's "community wind" and community wind, as one Minnesota project starkly illustrates.
Goodhue Wind was first envisioned as a "community wind" project by National Wind in 2008 as a 78 megawatt (MW) wind power plant providing enough power for approximately 25,000 homes. Under its development model, National Wind looks for local landowners to become shareholders in their projects in order to build public support.
Residents of Goodhue County, MN, have not been supportive and the evidence suggests that they may be right about the lack of community in the Goodhue Wind "community wind" project. Instead of coming on board, residents have instead spent the past two years stalling the project's development.
The crux of the issue is Minnesota's unique Community-Based Energy Development (C-BED) statute. It requires utilities to offer a preferential tariff (price) to wind power projects that are owned by Minnesotans and if a majority of the power purchase agreement revenue flows to "local entities." The law was conceived as a way to help encourage the development of community wind projects that maximize local economic benefits, much like Minnesota's ethanol producer payment led to the development of several farmer-owned renewable fuel facilities.
Unfortunately, the success of C-BED is all in the definition. Although the state's Public Utility Commission accepted National Wind's application for C-BED certification, the evidence suggests there's little chance of the project delivering many community benefits. The Goodhue Wind project has 20 local investors (pdf), but they only control about 1% of the company, with the remainder held by various subsidiaries of T. Boone Pickens' energy empire, notably not a Minnesota owner.
Despite this dubious arrangement, the Commission ignored warnings from the state's Office of Energy Security about the shaky C-BED standing of Goodhue Wind and its stark assertion that without C-BED status, the project was not a good use of ratepayer funds.
The heart of the problem was exposed in a commentary written by three Republican state legislators for the state's largest newspaper:
We have a duty to protect our citizens from out-of-state corporations taking advantage of local resources. Doing so will ensure that the additional dollars paid by Minnesota ratepayers for C-BED energy will remain in our communities.
State legislators and local residents are right to be concerned, given the economic impact at stake.
The National Renewable Energy Laboratory reports that locally owned wind projects increase the economic impact of a wind project by 1.5 to 3.4 times and double the number of local jobs. With a generic wind power project generating $1 million in economic activity per megawatt, it's no surprise that residents of Goodhue County are looking at the tens of millions lost to their community when a project lacks local ownership.
The political implications – all too clear in Goodhue – should also be considered. The following chart illustrates the difference in support for more local wind power as reported by a survey conducted in two German towns with existing wind power projects. In one town the project was not locally owned, and on the other it was. Resistance dropped by 45 percentage points with local ownership!

Goodhue wind provides two lessons for wind developers and wind energy. Crafting policy to support local ownership may be a crucial step if renewable energy will play a major role in transforming the electricity system to clean energy. And when such policy is enacted, it had better make sure that "community wind" isn't just a legal masquerade.
Original photo credit: Flickr user Ruin Raider
Residential Solar for 2.24 a Watt In Germany
The Germans have proposed significant revisions to their landmark renewable energy policy, the feed-in tariff, and the proposed prices should make Americans wonder why solar still costs so much on this side of the Atlantic.
After a significant step-down in March, German utilities will be buying rooftop solar on long-term contracts from projects 10 kilowatts or smaller for 19.5 euro cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh). Larger projects (over 1 megawatt) will get just 13.5 cents per kWh. That translates to installed costs of approximately $2.24 and $1.55 per Watt, respectively.
For comparison, in the U.S. in the 3rd quarter of 2011, the cost of solar was $5.20 per Watt, for systems of any size.
What would German installations costs mean for the U.S. solar market, where sunshine is anywhere from 29% (Minneapolis, MN) to 70% (Los Angeles, CA) more abundant? Americans could buy solar on long-term contract for 18.6 cents per kWh in Minneapolis, and just 15.4 cents in Los Angeles, with no other subsidies. Factor in the federal 30% solar tax credit and Minneapolitans could get solar for 14.3 cents per kWh, Los Angelenos for 11.8 cents.
At $2.24 per Watt for solar, as many as 47 million Americans would live in cities where the electricity from a rooftop solar array would be cheaper than grid electricity. By 2015, assuming no change in the cost of solar, 100 million Americans in major cities could beat grid prices with rooftop solar, based on a modest 2% per year inflation in retail electricity prices.
It seems policy is the key to cheaper solar, and Americans could learn much from their German counterparts. Look for a report from the Institute for Local Self-Reliance in the next two weeks on this issue of solar grid parity and new methods of accelerating solar development that can fundamentally change our electricity system for the better.
Community Choice Aggregation: Local Control without Owning the Grid
I'm attending a conference on community choice aggregation in California this week and it's worth sharing the concept and how it can lead to more local control of electricity generation.
Community choice aggregation is an alternative to (or complement to) electricity deregulation, allowing residential and commercial customers to choose a different electricity provider. The linchpin, and difference from traditional deregulation, is that community choice aggregation allows municipalities to aggregate their customers and bid on their behalf, obtaining lower prices by buying in bulk. It also allows for local determination of electricity supply without requiring a city to buy the distribution grid of the utility (although Boulder, CO, and some Massachusetts towns are considering that step). Under community choice aggregation, the municipality is the electricity purchaser, but the utility retains control of the grid.
Community choice aggregation can provide a community a lot of power: to choose local electricity generation over remote, to choose local ownership over absentee, and to choose clean energy over dirty. And without having to finance and buy the local grid, it can come at a much lower financial and political cost.
So far, six states have authorized municipalities to be community aggregators, but the option has only been exercised in five of the six states (see map below):

In its history, community choice aggregation has largely been used to obtain long-term contracts for electricity at lower prices than the incumbent utility provides. But it can do much more.
For example, the town of Oak Park, IL, recently signed new contracts for electricity, paying 2 cents per kilowatt-hour less than incumbent utility Commonwealth Edison (ComEd) provided, and with sufficient renewable energy credits to be 100% renewable (compared to ComEd's 6% renewable power).
Since community choice aggregators can choose their electricity providers, they could choose to get their clean energy locally, too. Using a feed-in tariff, for example, a municipal aggregator could acquire local solar power using a standard contract with small residential and commercial property owners, much like the Gainesville municipal utility has done in becoming a solar leader (per capita). Since the projects would be local, the economic benefits would multiply: a study by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory found that locally-owned renewable energy projects have twice the jobs and 1.5 to 3.4 times the economic impact of absentee-owned projects. Unlike a traditional utility, the economic bottom line could be factored in to the electricity purchase for a municipal aggregator.
There's more to consider, like the unique value of distributed renewable energy to the electricity system, as well as the way that feed-in tariffs can use long-term contracts to drive down the cost of clean energy. I'll have more on community choice aggregation (CCA) and the opportunities it presents in the next few weeks.
Distributed Renewable Energy as the 3rd Industrial Revolution
I just came across an interesting interview that radio host Diane Rehm did with Jeremy Rifkin, author of The Third Industrial Revolution. The excerpts below lay out his vision for an energy future that is decentralized and democratized. (He also notes that this vision has just emerged in the past two to four years, but we've been around since 1974...).
The book is organized around five pillars of the third industrial revolution:
Pillar one, renewable energy. Pillar two, your buildings become your own power plants. Pillar three, you have to store it with hydrogen. And then Pillar four…the internet communication revolution completely merges with new distributing energies to create a nervous system…Pillar five is electric plug-in transport...
when distributed Internet communication starts to organize distributed energies, we have a very powerful third industrial revolution that could change everything...
You can find some renewable energy in every square inch of the world. So how do we collect them? … If renewable energies are found in every square inch of the world in some frequency or proportion, why would we only collect them in a few central points? ...
[it] jump starts the European economy, that's the idea. Millions and millions and millions of jobs. Thousands of small and medium-sized enterprises have to convert 190 million buildings to power plants over the next 40 years...
That's the vision: a decentralized energy system can be democratized with local ownership, spreading the production of energy and the economic benefits as widely as the renewable energy resource itself.
The Diane Rehm Show
Tue, September 27, 2011 (All day)
Mapping Solar Grid Parity
Where does solar grid parity strike first? How fast does it spread? Click "animate" on the map below to see which major metropolitan areas can beat grid prices with local solar first, and how quickly unsubsidized solar could take over America's major metropolitan areas.
- 2011
- 2012
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- 2021
- 2022
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- Year 2011
- Population Served 0.0 million
Solar grid parity describes the moment when electricity from solar power is less costly than electricity from the existing grid. It's a tipping point, when democratization of the electricity system not only makes political and economic sense, but becomes more competitive than using utility-delivered electricity.
We used the following assumptions in the construction of this animated map:
- The cost of solar in 2011 is $4.00 per Watt installed.
- Grid electricity price is the average residential retail rate reported by PVWatts for the core city of the metropolitan area.
- The cost of solar decreases by 7% per year.
- The grid electricity price increases by 2% per year.
In just 7 years, 1 in 6 Americans living in major metropolitan areas could lower their electricity bill by installing solar –without any incentives.$nbsp; Here comes the sun!
Solar Grid Parity 101
Update 1/12/12: added two missing maps. Thanks to commenter Sean Barnes for the catch.
Solar grid parity is considered the tipping point for solar power, when installing solar power will cost less than buying electricity from the grid. It’s also a tipping point in the electricity system, when millions of Americans can choose energy production and self-reliance over dependence on their electric utility.
But this simple concept conceals a great deal of complexity. And given the stakes of solar grid parity, it’s worth exploring the details.
The Cost of Solar
For starters, what’s the right metric for the cost of solar? The installed cost for residential solar ($6.40 in 2011), or commercial solar ($5.20) or utility-scale solar ($3.75)? Even if we pick one of these, it’s difficult to compare apples to apples, because grid electricity is priced in dollars per kilowatt-hour of electricity, not dollars per Watt.
Enter “levelized cost,” or the cost of a solar PV array averaged over a number of years of production. For example, a 1 kilowatt (kW) solar array installed in Minneapolis for $6.40 per Watt costs $6,400. Over 25 years, we can expect that system to produce about 30,000 kilowatt-hours (kWh), so the “simple levelized cost” is $6,400 divided by 30,000, or about $0.21 per kWh.
But people usually borrow money, and pay interest, to install solar power. And there are some maintenance costs over those 25 years. And we also use a “discount rate” that puts heavier weight on dollars spent or earned today compared to those earned 20 years from now. A 1 kW solar array that is 80% paid for by borrowing at 5% interest, with maintenance costs of about $65 per year, and discounted at 5% per year will have a levelized cost of around $0.37.
That means that “solar grid parity” for this 1 kW solar array happens if the grid electricity price is $0.37 per kWh. But this calculation is location specific.
In Los Angeles, that same 1 kW system produces 35,000 kWh over 25 years, lowering the levelized cost to $0.31. The timeframe also matters.
If we only look back at the Minneapolis project with a levelized cost of $0.37, but instead look at the output over 20 years instead of 25 years, it increases the levelized cost to $0.43 because we have fewer kWh of electricity over which to divide our initial cost.
We choose 25 years because solar PV panels have a good chance of producing for that long.
We also use a lower installed cost that the U.S. average. Residential solar projects may average $6.40 per Watt, but there are some good examples of aggregate purchase residential solar projects costing $4.40 per Watt. The levelized cost of solar at $4.40 per Watt in Minneapolis is $0.25; in Los Angeles it is $0.21.
The following map shows the levelized cost of solar, by state, based on an installed cost of $4.40 per Watt, averaged over 25 years (click for a larger version).

This map shows half our grid parity equation, the cost of solar. But what about the other half, the grid price? It’s another complicated question.
The Grid Price
Utilities like to compare new electricity production to their existing fleet, which means comparing new solar power projects to long-ago-paid-off (amortized) coal and nuclear power plants that can produce electricity for 3-4 cents per kWh. But this is apples to oranges, because utilities can’t get any new electricity for that price, from any source.
A more appropriate measure of the grid price is the marginal cost for a utility of getting wholesale power from a new power plant. In California, this is called the “market price referent” and it’s around 12 cents per kWh. The figure varies from state to state.
But while the market price referent provides a reasonable comparison for the cost of utility-scale solar, it’s not the number that matters for solar installed on rooftops or near buildings. In those cases, the power is used “behind the meter,” and depending on the type of state policy for net metering, the customer can essentially spin their electric meter backward when their solar panels produce electricity. That means that solar power is really competing against the energy cost on a utility bill, known as the “retail price.”
The following map shows the average retail electricity price by state across the U.S. It ranges from 8-10 cents in the interior to 15 cents per kWh and higher on the coasts (click for a larger version).

In general, the residential retail electricity price is the generally accepted grid parity price. With this price and our previous map of the levelized cost of solar, we can assess the state of solar grid parity. The following map shows the ratio of the levelized cost of solar to the grid parity price in each state. Only Hawaii has reached solar grid parity without incentives.

As time rolls ahead, and grid prices rise while solar costs fall, the picture changes. In five years (2016), three states representing 57 million Americans will be at solar grid parity: Hawaii, New York, and California.

There are other considerations in the grid parity calculation.
Time-of-Use Rates
Some utility customers pay “time-of-use” rates that charge more for electricity consumed during times of peak demand, such as when a hot sunny day has everyone using their air conditioners. Under these rates, a solar project can be replacing electricity that costs upwards of $0.30 per kWh. Over a year, time-of-use rates can (on average) boost the cost of electricity – at peak times, when solar panels produce a lot of power – by about 30 percent. Assuming every state implemented time-of-use pricing (and that it was equivalent to a 30 percent increase in grid prices during peak times), solar grid parity would be a reality in 14 states in 2016, instead of just 3.
Solar v. Grid Over Time
There’s one other calculation. Let’s say that in 2011 solar still costs just a bit more than the grid electricity price, but that the grid price is rising at a modest rate each year. In this case, solar may still be the right choice because the lifetime cost of solar (at a fixed price) will be less than the rising cost of grid electricity. We can use an accounting tool called net present value to estimate the savings from solar compared to grid power over 25 years, and we find that for every percentage point annual increase in electricity prices, solar can be ~10% more expensive that grid power today and still be at “parity.” We find that with electricity price inflation of 2% per year, solar grid parity shifts up two years using this method.
To further explain the concept of solar grid parity, I’ve also created this slideshow. Click below to see it explained with a lot of graphical assistance.
Federal Tax Credits Handcuff Clean Energy Development
Clean energy advocates should cast aside their worries about increasing Republican scrutiny of energy subsidies. The clean energy industry's foolish reliance on tax incentives has already handcuffed its expansion.
Unlike the leading nations in the clean energy race, the United States has no coherent energy policy. Rather, its energy market is balkanized by 50 distinct state policies and overlaid with poorly conceived federal tax incentives. Federal tax incentives have one redeeming feature. To get a tax incentive only takes one vote of Congress while getting any other kind of monetary subsidy requires two votes, an authorization and then an appropriations bill.
The drawbacks are much more substantial. Building a clean energy future on a foundation of tax credits and deductions means significant inefficiency, reduced opportunity for the public sector, and handcuffing clean energy deployments.
Tax incentives may be politically expedient, but they are financially wasteful. In fact, tax credits cost Uncle Sam (and the taxpayer) twice as much as handing out cash. Why? For many clean energy projects, the developer doesn't have enough tax liability to effectively use the 30% investment tax credit or production tax credit. Instead, they need a "tax equity partner" (like a Wall Street banker) who can use a big tax credit. With some legal finagling, the two partners ink a deal that "monetizes" the entire federal incentive, but the Wall Street equity partner takes a hefty cut. In 2010, renewable energy developers were selling their tax credits to financiers for 30-50 cents on the dollar, with the remainder padding the pockets of financiers rather than buying down the cost of clean energy.
These tax equity partnerships aren't just an inefficient use of public dollars for clean energy, they make locally owned projects more difficult to develop, undercutting the political clout of clean energy by reducing the local economic value of (and commensurate support for) wind and solar projects.
Tax credits also curb pubic sector participation in clean energy. "Solar for schools" may be a great rallying cry for the solar industry and for education, but tax code incentives don't apply to schools, municipal buildings or non-profits. Instead, schools and others must seek private partners to offer them a lease, power purchase agreement, or other ownership structure that allows the project to capture at least some of the federal tax incentives. As the following chart illustrates, however, these arrangements for schools are never quite as cost effective as privately-owned solar projects. Furthermore, the partnerships mean the public sector can't use its best weapon, low cost financing (e.g. bonding) to spread clean energy development.

The use of tax credits may also artificially cap the clean energy market. Since clean energy projects must rely on a limited set of tax equity partners and a limited-size tax equity market, when tax equity dries up, so do wind and solar projects. The economic crisis of 2008 made the problem particularly evident, as the tax equity market shrank by 80 percent from 2007 to 2009. Only the cash grant program saved the wind and solar industries from total collapse in the intervening years (2009-11), and the cash grant will likely expire at the end of 2011. The following chart from a SEIA presentation illustrates [pdf] the problem, even though it was devised before the 1-year extension of the cash grant in 2010.

The problem of limited tax equity isn't just short term. Marshal Salant, managing director of Citigroup Global Markets Inc., said in a recent interview: "There’s more demand for tax equity to finance renewable energy projects than we will ever have in the way of supply."
In other words, using the tax code for energy policy handcuffs U.S. clean energy development. The limited market for clean energy will also continue to suffer from major inefficiency and severely constrained options for the public sector, undermining public support for clean energy policies.
There are alternatives to the reliance on tax incentives (outlined last week in our discussion of Germany's run-away success with its comprehensive feed-in tariff energy policy). But until the clean energy industry is ready to admit the folly of its marriage to tax equity, the American market for wind and solar will suffer.
Photo credits: handcuffs by Vectorportal, Wall Street sign by runnx, collage by John Farrell.






